JBC History

      JBC is the first network especially for kids in America. It was founded in 1978, one year before Nickelodeon, and unlike the latter has always been available on free television. It is now the third most popular network in America, passing CBS last May. It averages 27 million viewers in this country, and 16 million around the globe, with 125 stations on 6 continents. It had the number one show in America last season, Reconstruction, and three of the top 10 shows. I hope you will find this brief article introducing JBC enlightening.

      The network struggled tremendously in its early goings. Most programs were essentially skits, with Cosen or Corsel often serving as camera operators while Cortin played the "news anchor" or "game show host". All the while Cortin tried to send his subtle patriotic/right wing messages.
      The new channel got a major break when George Lucas, the creator of the Star Wars saga, allowed the tiny, one affiliate station to show Star Wars specials. These micro budget shows (early specials cost $200 to make) attracted kids from the nearby neighborhood. The signal was too weak at that time to reach must of Chicago, and those who did reach did not even know it was on the air. Channel 66 stumbled and bumbled its way through these early days, supported mostly by Cortin's meager resources, and occasional contributions from the silent fifth partner.

      Once the new channel started hiring real workers to fill the jobs formerly done by Cosen, Corsel and Jodions, new problems arose. John Cortin believed that he should only pay workers what they were intrinsically worth. In his mind that was as little as possible. But he had to attract workers or else the station would never get off the ground.
      So Cortin made promises, and he broke them, constantly and continuously. This raised the ire of James Johnson, 36. Johnson, a long time organizer, formed the Channel 66 union in October of 1978. On December 20, after one too many slights from Cortin, he organized the first, and only strike of channel 66 employees. All 35 workers walked off their jobs, paralyzing a station that had just expanded its hours and was preparing for holiday extravaganzas.
      Johnson only agreed to terminate the walkout when he had Cortin's assurances in writing that workers would be paid the salaries promised. He also demanded that a council of workers be formed to check the power of Cortin and the other executives. Cortin complied, forming an advisory group called the Political Advisers Council (PAC).
      In the meantime, Cortin was getting thousands of dollars from a secret source, but squandering most of this on personal splendor. The Grand Contract, as it came to be called, is much to complicated to go into here. James Cortinion's 1300 page The Truth about JBC, JBC Publications, NY, NY (1993), would be a good source to turn to. Suffice it to see, Cortin signed a secret deal to aid and abet criminals in 1978 as well as the future. The contract lasted in effect for 12 years, with and without individual president's knowledge.  

      1979 brought major successes. Viewership rose as Star Wars movies became more popular (and better made), and Channel 66 expanded from one to two stations. In July, Channel 66 in New York opened, presided over by Joe Cosely. Cosely, known as a dictator himself, brought a smooth running station, but one with plenty of labor strife of his own. Channel 66 also got its first major advertiser, Corsen Products makers of canned food and orange juice.
      But just as the young network seemed to be coming alive, problems struck. Cortin had continued to treat employees poorly, and Johnson threatened another strike. When the ratings came in from the expensive holiday spectaculars, all of them were abysmal. Additionally the network had a five million dollar debt. John Cortin, taking these things into consideration, stunningly resigned on December 24. Corsel, hardly prepared to assume the presidency, was under tremendous pressure to succeed. He knew little of Cortin's nefarious schemes with criminals and when word of the true facts reach him, it appeared to be too much for him to take. Corsel resigned on December 27, leaving the presidency in the hands of Bob Cosen.
      A side note: I realize this is an enormous amount of history to speed through as I am doing. Please read Cortin by James Cortinion, or Cortin, Corsel and Cosen: The Crisis of JBC by Jane Broteson. Suffice it to say apparently, Cortin too felt the pressure from criminal forces. According to the Grand Contract, Cortin was supposed to supply the criminals with free air time to promote their agenda using subliminal messages. Perhaps, historians speculate, Cortin felt pressured and gave in. Additionally, Cortin's mental problems are documented in Cortin among other works.

      Upon becoming president, Bob Cosen appointed John Jodions, 42, to be the new program director. It was obvious to all that Cosen would soon resign and intended to leave the presidency of the two station network to Jodions. Despite opposition from Joe Cosely, who felt he should take over as president of the New York branch of channel 66, Jodions was appointed with little opposition on December 29.
      His appointment was helped along by support from George Alben, 53. Alben was the speaker of the PAC. Although the PAC had little power beyond the power to advise, Alben was a politician at heart. He was enormously popular among the workers from Channel 66 in New York, who elected him to his post and considered him their representative to the PAC. As an old-time liberal he was the perfect foil to Joe Cosely's conservative ideology. The two developed a bitter rivalry that would last for over a decade. Cosely's greatest anger stemmed from the fact that Alben pushed for Jodions' appointment over Cosely's express interest in becoming President of the whole network (As things stood then the President of Channel 66 in Chicago became in effect President of the whole two station network).
      Cosen resigned as president on January 20, 1980, leaving Jodions to take over a network on the verge of collapse. Jodions addressed each issue of importance as it came up:
      1. Budget Deficit- Jodions cut the number of Star Wars Movies by 75%, and cut the amount the network could spend on each movie by half. He replaced expensive programming with the popular but inexpensive Voddoddonce show. Ratings increased.
      2. Advertising- Jodions signed a deal with Grinston Inc., the makers of various potions and medicines, most of which were not approved by the FDA. Grinston provided Channel 66 with steady income and new hope to increase revenues.
      3. Workers salaries-This was the greatest challenge Jodions faced. How could he reduce the budget debt without cutting worker salaries. In fact, Jodions had hoped to give them the raise that Cortin had refused to give. On this, Jodions had a lot of help.
      Jim Johnson, 79, was the heir to the Johnson and Johnson Company fortune. He networth was an estimated three billion dollars. He had spent years as president of J and J , and had treated his workers fairly, he believed. But Johnson believed in experimenting to find the fairest way to treat workers. As a young man, he spent 15 years in the Socialist Party and carried with him for a lifetime a determination to give were both fair wages and a fair say in what went on within their company.
      Johnson decided now was the time, and Channel 66, because of its small size, was the perfect business to test his per-dependent pay system. Johnson believed if workers were paid for each dependent they had, they would feel more secure and have a higher standard of living. Johnson offered to donate one billion dollars to Channel 66 to be placed in a trust fund to be used only to pay workers. Johnson, a member of the PAC was to have some initial influence about what would constitute fair wages.
      The per-dependent system solved the labor strife of Channel 66 for over a decade. Workers were given the 14% raise which Cortin had continually promised but never seemed quite willing to give. Plus, workers with families would get an extra salary for each dependent they had. Thus a camera operator with a spouse and two kids would make $40 per hour rather than the $10 per hour her salary would dictate. There would be no strike by JBC employees, either locally or network wide until 1992, due to the per dependent system and the trust fund that paid for it. By the late 80's hour, the trust fund would be essentially dry; conservative would then begin attacking what they considered a socialist system.  

      The first two years of the decade brought success to Channel 66, and as a result to John Jodions himself. In 1980, the two station network doubled in size, adding stations in Los Angeles and San Francisco. The network would double again to eight stations by the end of 1981.
      Viewership too, was on the rise. Barely 35,000 viewers were divided between New York (21,000) and Chicago (14,000) at the time Jodions took over in January of 1980. Two years later the station had in excess of one million viewers and was growing in popularity exponentially. What brought in viewers at the record pace? It must have been the shoes, and it was.
      Channel 66 was entering its golden days as JBC historian Joe Crotenet has called it. Star Wars movies were cut in 1980, but those that did air were of a better quality with far superior actors than ever before. In 1981, the classic Earthbound, a five part series about the Star Wars adventurers landing on earth drew rave reviews from critics, and a then record 375,000 viewers across the country.
      Other programs were increasingly popular with the kids who turned on Channel 66. Music Time, which was NOT a program about music, quickly became a cult classic. It was talk show with a twist: Star Wars actors and Actresses, directors and producers were interviewed about their role in the movies. Usually tiny bit actors came on along side the likes of George Lucas or Harrison Ford. To add to the fun, Peter Crushing an actor in Star Wars came on perennially to "stick up" the place. But Harrison Ford, in timing that could not have been more perfect if it had been choreographed and rehearsed, came in just in time to punch out Crushing and save the stadium from crime. A capacity crowd of two thousand crammed into "Music Time Station", first in Chicago, then in Los Angeles, after the Channel 66 station there opened. It was a big hit with fans of all ages, as was the Music Time Outburst Show, a game show where Star Wars folks answered silly questions about the Star Wars movies, tv shows, and even comic books.
      Also a big hit were the "three show blows", as they were called. Separately, they were Coke-a-Cola's Good For You, Suset's After Me and Star Wars is Nuts.
      Coke-a-Cola's Good For You was simply Popeye and Spinach all over again, without the health benefits. John Cotin, whose occupation we did not know for 3 years, was constantly running into criminals. Whenever they attacked him, he simply drank Coke, and was able to ward them off with a few strong punches. What separated this from any other bad Popeye parody was the acting of John Abusal, who played Cotin. Abusal made you believe he WAS John Cotin, and made viewers actually feel concerned about John Cotin's safety. Yes, you knew, deep down he was going to get his Coke, he was going to escape from the situation unscathed. Yet the fear in Abusal's voice and the doubt in his eyes, gave viewers, many of whom were under eight, just enough doubt of their own to make them come back day in and day out.
      Suset's After Me and Star Wars is Nuts, were comedies. Suset's After Me has been assailed by critics since it premiered. The premise was moronic. A seven year old girl chasing a seven year old boy all around. The acting was poor at best , and the series seemed to be going no where all too slowly. Viewers on the other hand considered it a classic; at least they kept watching. The show was at times violent, and always silly. Suset was portrayed as a vicious criminal and, as a somewhat naive boy. The show in various guises lasted for almost a decade, and made brief return as a drama (gulp!) in 1992 called Suset's Back.
      Star Wars is Nuts was a bit more popular with the critics. It was a parody on Star Wars with characters like Kook Kywalker battling against the evil Klempire. Of course Kook was a member in good standing of the Pebble Alliance. It was a silly show, full of ridiculous songs and terrible special effects. Still it drew fans, and perennially finished in the top five during the period 1979-1981.
      Together these three shows aired as "The Three Show Blows", and were boastfully called "the best shows in the world." That they were not but before they split apart in 1982, the three show blows had found a place in JBC lore.
      The years 1980 and 1981 were also good years for John Jodions. As ratings shows and his small network expanded, Jodions became a hero to countless viewers. He appeared regularly on Music Time, as he along with "Crazy" Joe Coliate wrote Star Wars movies, and he had a long history with Lucas Films. He had also worked for a bit with Kenner Toys, designing Star Wars action figures. By 1982, 90% of Channel 66 Viewers knew his name, and 90% of those had a positive opinion of John Jodions.
      Jodions' relations with workers at Channel 66 were also strong. The per-dependent system ensured worker harmony, and Jodions' appointments to important positions reinforced his political power. Jodions appointed mostly liberals and won from them the loyalty that came from such appointments.
      Jodions's key contribution to Channel 66 politics came in two areas: 1. His strengthening of PAC power and 2. His forming of the Channel 66 "Supreme Court."
      Jodions began to extend the power of the PAC almost immediately upon becoming president of Channel 66. While Cortin considered the PAC a nuisance he could afford to ignore, Jodions believed the PAC because they were elected by the workers, represented a broader range of views than the President's Council. Jodions began to broaden PAC power by first giving them the authority to cast an advisory vote on every issue to Jodions himself had to decide. The votes would carry no weight, but this was still an advance over the Cortin era; Cortin had continually acted without PAC knowledge and before they could possibly vote on issue. Later the PAC would gain power to impeach JBC officials and have a limited power to vote on crucial votes. Most PAc members were liberal and not shy in voicing their support for John Jodions. Clearly no one expected him to be a permanent president, with most PAC members expecting an election to be held, in 1982, or certainly 1983. In the meantime, Jodions received almost universal support. Even Joe Cosely, who differed from Jodions politically continued to express his unqualified support for "our president, my friend, John Jodions."
      Jodions formed the Channel 66 Supreme Court in December, 1980. The "court" was not really a court but a board of directors that would decide complicated issues between the PAC and the President's Council. The Court initially handled no issues of import, but that soon changed. In the relatively unimportant case of Cotson v. Cosington (1981) the Court decided that the role of the Channel 66 Court was to "determine whether or not a rule or policy of this channel violates the Constitution of this channel. This was a radical concept, declaring a relatively meaningless piece of paper written by John Cortin and Bob Cosen as the law of the network.
      That made the process of amending the "constitution" crucial, and made the appointment of a new Supreme Court justice of vital importance to the network. Six of Jodions' initial nine justices were liberal, and resignation by a conservative and a moderate made the Court justices 8 out of 9 liberal in 1982. Initial decisions were relatively minor, despite the Court's express power to decide constitutional issues. But by late 1982 , crucial decisions in cases such as Critten v. Board of Elections, 4 JBCSC 182 (1982), and especially Corrient v. Cordent, 4 JBCSC 789 (1982) made the JBC Supreme Court the arbiter of crucial issues concerning the network.
      Jodions used his appointments of liberals to help hold on to his power and produce progressive decisions by the Court. Two justices are worth noting in passing. John Corsedean, 49, was a former California state appeals judge and author of some of California's most liberal judicial decisions of the 1970's. Jim Alben, 33, was a former Civil Rights attorney and nephew of PAC speaker George Alben. Jim Alben's appointment was not controversial but his key votes on crucial cases that helped his uncle later raised concerns of nepotism that were never fully addressed. Both Alben and Corsedean would alternate as Chief Justices of JBC Supreme Court. Both are still Justices of the court today, and continue to use their considerable influence in the major JBC Cases that continue to come along.
      Thus Jodions began to rack up political favors and political points within a few months after taking over the presidency of Channel 66. He was popular among most workers, both rank and file and the higher ups and he began to win the hearts and minds of both local viewers in Chicago and viewers around the country. 

      In the early days of Channel 66, John Cortin completely ignored the opinions of the kids who watched his channel. Fan mail went unanswered and complaint letters that were returned were usually short and terse: "We'll take care of it", or "Thank you for your interest in our channel" was the ordinary response.
      But John Jodions changed all of that. Almost immediately, he requested on air that viewers in Chicago send in their comments, complaints, recommendations, and new show ideas. He also insisted that Presidents of other channel 66 stations, Joe Cosely in New York, request similar commentary from their viewers. The result was impressive: By May of 1980, over 1,000 letters were coming into channel 66 each month. Jodions took viewer ideas into consideration and actively sought to encourage their further participation.
      He found the ideas and concepts of some 24 viewers so interesting that he decided to take them under his wing. In June of 1981, he formed the "Council of 24", a group of 24 viewers/advisors ranging in age from 9 to 19. They advised him on new show ideas, testing network advertising slogans and worked on deciding how to change old shows. This Council of 24 would become important and many of its members would later hold important positions of power at JBC.
      Another way viewers increased their power at JBC was through donations. In order to reduce the $5 million dollar deficit Jodions found when he took over Channel 66, John Jodions began requesting donations from viewers. This began in January 1981, after Jodions' initial budget cutting measures had trimmed the deficit down to $1.5million dollars. Advisers counciled Jodions to solicit charitable organizations, benefactors, even government agencies, but he refused. he believed it was vital that the new network become viewer supported, and he did this by asking viewers to contribute small donations. Since most donations came from the kids themselves rather than parents, they were usually quite small, often a dollar or two. But some did add up. In 1981, the network received nearly 3 million dollars in 1981, accounting for over 20% of its budget. By 1982, the network received an impressive 32 million dollars, or almost 40% of the budget of the expanding JBC network.
      With these dollars viewers gained power, how could they not? Eight or nine, 15 or 16, viewers often included suggestions for programs. In fact the Council of 24 was formed as a result of letters sent with donations. Because viewers contributions made up a growing percentage of the network budget, he had no choice but to listen to them. Later these viewer voices would become louder and louder, eventually bringing about the most revolutionary aspect of the JBC network: A network run in large part by its viewers, who happened to be kids.

      1982 brought unparalleled success to the network still known as Channel 66. Viewership soared from 780,000 to over 3,000,000 by years' end. The value of the network more than quadrupled. And for the first time in its history, the small, kids station developed a program admired from coast to coast by adults as well as children. That program was Legoland.
      The series was a comedy/drama set in the small town of Legoland, Nebraska. It concerned the exploits of the colorful citizens of that town, especially the funny, boastful, billionaire land developer Joeirez G. (Joe) Cosel. Other major characters included Al Jodions, George A. Legoland, and Elliot Cosel, Joe Cosel's sister played by Jane Decoben. The characters changed overtime, as did the series; At times it was soap operaesque with deep secrets, intrigue and crimes; At times it was comical with the always silly and usually dimwitted Joe Mazeraz and Bib Gozalo; At times it was sci-fi with the alien Cos C. Cos, and the exploits of the evil Cronanitean Empire. At times set in the future, at times set in the past, it became the most beloved program in the history of Channel 66.
      The stars of Legoland became instant celebrities. John Abom's portrayal of Joe Cosel was considered the best portrayal of a character in the history of Channel 66. His Joe was at times the tough minded businessman, the temperamental tycoon, willing twist and bend the law to suit his needs. At other times he could be idealistic, kind, caring and even vulnerable. Joe Cordent did a brilliant acting job with Al Jodions' character, and long time Channel 66 character actor James Cortan scored with both his wacky portrayal of Lego inventor George A. Legoland, and his more serious portrayal of Joe Cosel's father, George Cosel Sr.
      But the emerging star of the series, aside from Abom, was 29 year old Hollywood extra Jane Decoben. Decoben played Joe Cosel's sister Elliot, and seemed to make the world smile with her funny, charming, thrilling performance. she became Elliot Cosel in the minds of viewers, and that fame enabled her to pursue a career in JBC politics, that would eventually win her the presidency of JBC.
      Other shows that became hits in 1982 included Super Kitten, the story of a super young cat who has just a bit of trouble flying, its canine counterpart the Hundred Foot Dog, and the real-life courtroom of Channel 66 Court, a cheap imitation of the People's Court which survived only because John Corsedean could act like a judge as well as be one.
      1982 also brought what might be called a criminal invasion to JBC. Admittedly, crime and criminals had been involved with the young network practically from Day one, but in 1982 that involvement escalated greatly.
      To understand the situation as it existed in 1982 and especially 1983, we must go back to the summer of 1981. It was then that John Winston Cotiter, the elusive "fifth partner" at the founding of Channel 66, decided to seek his revenge against the network that had disowned. Cotiter attempted to buy Channel 66 in Chicago for $10 million in counterfeit dollars. John Jodions decided to take him up on it only because the station was in bad financial straits, and he (wrongly) believed that selling one of the affiliates would be the only way to keep the network going. It turns out that the deficit information that led Jodions to this conclusion was falsely manufactured by an advisor with criminal connections.
      Nonetheless, Jodions did take Cotiter's bait and Cotiter for a period of three days owned Channel 66 in Chicago. Only when Joe Coliate, the channel's vice-president and resident crazy man discovered that John Cotiter was a fugitive wanted in 15 states was the sale voided. Cotiter, it turns out, had tried this trick before, attempting to buy small local stations with fake money, and making a run for the next state when the station discovered his secret.
      But with Channel 66 it was personal. No one knew at the time that Cotiter was the secret fifth partner in founding channel 66 in 1978. It would not be discovered for over five years. Nor would it be discovered that John Cotiter was in fact the brother of John Jodions, separated from the wealthy Jodions family at the age of three, in circumstances that would fit well into any soap opera.
      So Cotiter sought his revenge against both Channel 66, for failing to reward him financially for the success of the network, and especially for failing to acknowledge his existence. He also sought revenge against John Jodions, for failing to acknowledge him as his brother. [Note: Jodions in fact had no idea of this fact. When he discovered it, it was to bring on a double personality, that of Joe Cotleston]
      Cotiter broke out of jail numerous times, and began committing petty crimes against workers at channel 66 in Chicago. He would rob a few, assault a few, even shoot at a few. He seemed like more of a nuisance than a real threat. Reporters at Channel 66 in Chicago, Johnet Cordent, Joiet Cosel, Coliate and even Jodions himself became celebrities for tracking down in classic investigative fashion and capturing John Cotiter.
      Cotiter became more of a threat in 1982. He joined with Music Time invader Peter Crushing to form his "Crime Organization". It was small at first, consisting of a few petty criminals mixed with retired/unemployed mafiosos. But all that changed by July of 1982.
      It was then that Cotiter's small criminal organization (at most 50 members) linked with the gigantic, multi-national ICO (International Criminal Organization). Imagine a criminal organization of over 25,000 members worldwide with an elected president rather than a family leader. Imagine a bureaucratic, democratically run mafia, with leaders elected by rank and file members. There you have the ICO. And on top of the ICO sat Joe Licorush.
      While John Cotiter was non-threatening, at least initially, Joe Licorush was a lifelong criminal mastermind and leader of criminals. His father, sister and brother had all held key positions in the ICO, and in 1977, Licorush, 45, took the helm as the president of the ICO. He was a brilliant ex-lawyer with connections and clout throughout the legal and political community. Licourush used these connections to build what could best be called a crime empire. The ICO made over $1 Billion dollars per year in various illegal activities in the early 1980's, rivaling all but the largest mafia families. Licorush was determined to expand that power further.
      He sought to use the growing JBC network as a sort of criminal headquarters, where he could disseminate criminal plots to the masses, and attempt to recruit new members to the ICO. He sought to engage a massive strike against the network, hitting all the stations. He intended, in effect, to bomb JBC into submission and force its sale to a criminal partner.
      Incidents of bombings and shootings shot up throughout the second half of 1982. In August fourteen JBC buildings were bombed and 27 workers were shot by Licorush's ICO or associates or the small band of the JCCO, now presided over by Joe Licorush himself. In November of 1982, thirty JBC buildings were bombed, and 47 workers were shot. Additionally there was substantial theft throughout the network, leading to total damages of over $2.3 million for that month alone.
      The damage done by the ICO forced Jodions to triple his expenditures for security, but it made little impact. It helped cause a deficit that would continue to grow throughout 1983, and practically bankrupt the network in 1982. Meanwhile, this massive criminal attack came at the absolute worst time. JBC was already facing another crisis caused by "the New Channels".

      In 1982, the JBC network added stations throughout the country, and was rapidly growing in popularity with its young viewers. JBC also added what might be called child networks. These were known by their initial Channel affiliates, Channel 67, Channel 68, and Channel 69.
      Channel 67, 68 and 69 were not JBC affiliates in the traditional sense. They did not run regular JBC programs like Legoland or Music Time. Instead, they ran spin-offs of JBC programs, news, sports and programs that were not considered good enough to air on JBC. These three new networks initially sprung up in Chicago, but quickly spread to other cities that had JBC stations. They were rigidly controlled by the parent network, JBC.
      John Jodions, who had the idea for the spin-off networks, explained what he had in mind when he developed them.
      "I wanted to develop separate networks to test programs before they were presented on JBC. Also, with the extreme popularity of Legoland, we had a lot of spin-off ideas. We knew we lacked program time-slots to fit the spin-offs in, so we thought a separate network or networks might provide greater flexibility to JBC. "
      Jodions gave these spin-off networks virtually no power. they were run by a "manager" rather than a president. There was no PAC, and orders concerning programs and time slots came directly from JBC. Naturally, this was hated by the new managers, who became mere figureheads controlled by JBC. They had no power to determine expenditures for shows or even how much their workers would be paid. Workers at the "other networks" were looked down as almost inferior by JBC workers, and the shows on the networks were considered cheap rip-offs of JBC classics.
      Channel 67 was the first spin-off network. Jodions initially selected young Jenny Rucker to run the new network, but she quickly resigned because of what she considered "a lack of artistic and financial freedom."
      Jodions replaced her with Dr. Harry White, a former medical doctor and Vice-President of the JBC station in Washington DC. White was a typical liberal JBC politician, and Jodions hoped he would tow the JBC line, not complain about his lack of power, take orders from the parent network, and smoothly run the spin-off network.
      White seemed initially to follow the orders of JBC, but soon became dissatisfied with the system. He could only hire and fire Channel 67 workers after going through the chief operator of JBC, using a cumbersome process that resulting in continuous exchanges of memos and heated arguments. Most Channel 67 employees, especially by the summer of 1982, believed the inefficiency of the JBC network was stifling the power of Channel 67 and stifling the artistic freedom of its employees. White began to organize protest meetings, but by this time he was not alone.
      In June of 1982, Channel 68 was founded. Bill Goodman, Jodions' handpicked appointee, turned out to be even more strident than White and quickly became involved with planning an eventual sesession from the parent network. Goodman longed to remove the inferior Legoland spin-offs as he considered them to be and replace them with experimental local programming about Chicago and political issue discussion shows. Instead the JBC Chief Operator insisted that the network continue to air designated programming and quit complaining. Surveys showed 88% of Channel 67 employees and 85% of Channel 68 employees wanted "more freedom in show selection and over budget issues." By August of 1982, almost two-thirds of workers on both networks were willing to "separate and form a new network" if a compromise solution were not possible.
      By the fall of 1982, the situation was getting tense. Channel 67 now had stations in seven cities, and Channel 68 had stations in five cities. By September, over 80% of workers on both networks wanted a separation, and the crisis spilled into JBC employees. BY mid-September 65% of them agreed that Channel 67 and Channel 68 deserved "greater freedom to manage their own affairs." James Johnson, JBC union leader even led a one-day sympathy strike and demonstration which caused some 1,500 JBC employees to walk off their jobs.
      By this time Jodions took two steps to quell the unrest with his network's policies. First he gave the two managers additional power by making them "Presidents" of their respective networks. While JBC officials still decided which programs would air and most budget issues, White and Goodman could now hire and fire their own employees directly, and decide salary issues.
      Ironically, Jodions' attempts at reform created even more problems. White and Goodman used their new found power to hire workers who not only opposed JBC authority, but were willing to demonstrate against it. By October over 90% of Channel 67 and Channel 68 employees wanted to leave any connection with JBC, some advocated violent means to do it. There is evidence of deals between the ICO and Channel 67 and Channel 68, though evidence presently available suggests neither White nor Goodman had knowledge of criminal plots. John Cotiter even joined Channel 67 for a time, as a symbolic sign of his opposition to JBC and the Jodions regime.
      As opposition grew, Jodions took his second step to quell opposition. He formed Channel 69, a new spin-off network and appointed George Corrient its head. Corrient was a PAC member, a former advisor to Jodions, and a trusted friend. If anyone would attempt to reach a compromise with Goodman and White, it was George Corrient.
      Corrient tried diligently throughout November of 1982 to bring the sides together and strike a deal, but they only grew farther apart. While White and Goodman were initially willing to stay connected to JBC provided they had wide latitude over what programs aired on the network, they were now unwilling to compromise with JBC at all, even when it was suggested by some negotiators they might be given complete control over what programs they would air from JBC and what programs they would make on their own. Goodman and White were now determined to leave JBC at all cost, and turned up the heat on Jodions with demonstrations by Channel 67, 68, 69 and even JBC employees.
      Jodions, not surprisingly, grew bitter and enraged at the rejection of any compromise. And Jodions appeared to break down on November 28, 1982, when George Corrient reported that there would be no compromise, and further angered Jodions by revealing that he had joined Goodman and White in advocating splitting off completely from JBC.
      Jodions ordered Johnet Cordent to fire all three presidents and replace them when Cordent, Joiet Cosel and Jodions' brother Joe Jodions. Cordent initially refused. He had hired the three as managers to risk a possible law suit if they were fired. In the end, he fired all three, and not surprisingly a law suit was fired. It did not go through regular legal channels, however. Instead, Corrient, Goodman and White went directly to JBC Supreme Court, charging the acts of Cordent violated the JBC Constitution.
      Few expected the three spin-off networks to stand a chance against the powerful JBC network in a JBC Supreme Court filled with JBC employees. Yet chief Justice John Corsedean showed surprising independence in writing for a 7-2 majority in the monumental case of Corrient v. Cordent. Corsedean used the following logic to determine that Corrient and the others could not be fired by Cordent.
      1. The JBC Constitution states that no one can become President of our Channel without first receiving the President's Authorization Card.
      2. In the Case of Corrient, Goodman and White, that authorization was not the appointment by Jodions, but rather the reelection by the workers of each station. Once such elections were held, the authority of the initial appointment was null and void.
      3. The three could thus only be removed from office either through voluntary resignation or by being defeated in another election.
      The decision shocked many and had a major impact in JBC history in establishing the power of the JBC Supreme Court to interrupt the JBC Constitution in a broad way. It elevated the status of White, Goodman and Corrient to that of local JBC presidents, which prevented the national JBC government headed by Jodions from having any more power over them than it could have over any other local JBC president.
      Most importantly, however, the decision set in stone what could best be called the JBC Democracy. Even though local presidents or PAC members were initially appointed, once an election had been held, the member could not be removed without another election. Thus once an election had been held for a local president or a PAC member, that OFFICE had to be elected permanently. In 1982, that meant that each JBC elected official had to stand for a vote every so often. But how often? And who should vote for JBC elected officials. In 1982, voters were composed of workers at JBC. But by 1983, everything would change.

      Viewer power grew throughout 1982, for several reasons. The Council of 24 became increasingly influential over the crisis concerning the Spin-Off stations. The final decision of Jodions to accept the networks sesession was developed in consultation with the Council of 24, as were several budget decisions, security issues and especially programming. The Council of 24 had no legislative power whatsoever, and Jodions ignored them at will. But the fact that Jodions willingly met with the group on almost every issue affecting JBC and actually listened to what they had to say, inspired the confidence and gave the group experience at running a network.
      John Corontin, the self-named "Speaker" of the Council was determined to put that experience to work. He believed that viewers should have the right to vote, along with workers, in choosing who would represent the network and decide budget and programming issues. Corontin's initial suggestion was very conservative by today's standard. Older viewers, ages 9-19 (The make-up of the Council of 24), should have the right to elect half the members to the PAC, the National JBC president and local JBC presidents. Those elected by viewers would still be adult workers, not kids. Workers' votes would still count by the fact that they could elect half of the PAC themselves and elect all other officials (technical administrators, advisers, etc).
      The push for kids having the right to vote at JBC came not only for Corontin and the Council of 24, but from other corners. When John Cotiter ally Bob Bortan bought the JBC affiliate in Los Angeles, massive protests ensued. They were led by viewers, particularly 13 year-old Barbara Mitton. Mitton's brilliant protest and organizational skills were rewarded by local president Jane Elliot after Bortan was driven from power. Mitton became the first viewer ever appointed to a JBC position of authority. Elliot named her assistant Chief Operator in charge of Viewer Relations. She had authority to hire kids to do some work at the station and also planned parties and the neighborhood festivals Elliot held for viewers of the networks. Critics however, charged that Mitton was merely Elliot's mouthpiece, especially since Mitton was the daughter of Jane Elliot.
      By November of 1982, just as the crisis involving the spin-off networks was reaching its climax, John Corontin filed a petition to the Board of Elections, recommending it change the rules governing who may vote in a JBC election to fit the guidelines Corontin had suggested. The Board of elections was an organization founded in 1982 by John Jodions. After conservatives began to attack him because he had not stood for an election, Jodions founded the Board to decide issues of when elections should be held. To quell conservative opposition, Jodions appointed mostly conservatives to the Board, which had four members for each JBC station.
      Corontin's petition was in effect laughed at by Board Chairman Joe Cotin, who publicly called it "a ridiculous waste of this Board's time." Corontin then appealed it to the JBC Supreme Court with Joe Cotin's approval.
      Cotin wanted the issue to go to the Court. He hoped it would rule Corontin had no authority even to appeal an issue to the JBC Supreme Court. The Court in Cotin's opinion was only for workers who had a job issue to debate, not kids, even if those kids happened to work for JBC in an advisorial capacity.
      By the time the Court heard arguments on the case, on December 14 and 15, 1982, several JBC leaders expressed at least some support of the proposal. PAC Speaker George Alben believed Corontin's proposal seemed reasonable "At least we should consider it." he was heard to state. Jodions also believed the proposal had merit, as did Jane Elliot and others.
      Many today believe the surprisingly quick acceptance of the radical idea that viewers had the right to elect even some JBC officials was not caused by a belief in the rights of kids who watched JBC. Jodions and others were worried that Channels 67, 68 and 69 might form a network after separating from JBC. Rumors abounded that either Goodman or White would appoint a kid as Vice-President or even Program Director of the new network, and viewers would be granted full voting rights.
      JBC political leaders did not want the kids who watched their network to be lured away by promises of greater power, so they had to act quickly. Joe Cosely strongly opposed kids having the right to vote in any way shape, or form. But Cosely refused to speak out on the issue. He was surprisingly vague, promising to "consider it.... \We need to look into all the issues."
      The Court testimony from Corontin, who acted as his own advocate for the rights of kids to vote, as well as John Cly (9) and Jane Ortonin (12). All three advocated viewers having some election rights. Ortinin's position was the most extreme. She advocated that only viewers should have a say over the programming issues of the network, with workers having a right to elect only those representatives who handled salary, benefits, and security issues.
      Initially the Court seemed dead set against it, with both Corsedean and Jim Alben opposing the measure. But everything changed the night before the decision came down, and it was a stunner.
      First,. both Coronton and Corsedean became convinced by the brilliant lawyering skills of Corontin that viewers, even as young as 9 (as Corontin was) could intelligently discuss and debate issues. If they could do that, they could certainly vote for the representatives who favored issues they supported. Extreme liberals Jim Johnson, Bob Coteson, and Janet Critten strongly favored the idea of viewers having a right to vote for those who would represent them. It looked like the court might decide in favor of Corontin by a 5-4 margin. If the decision had been reached that way, Corsedean was already drafting an opinion which would give viewers the vote along the lines of Corontin's proposal. Viewers between ages of 9 and 19 would be able to elect local presidents, national Presidents and one-half of the PAC. Workers would elect the other half of the PAC and all other offices.
      But Corsedean felt the decision need be unanimous. Four judges needed to be convinced. Two, liberal Janet Wrottingston and moderate Jane Whitson seemed close to agreeing on a more modified viewer voting agreement. But moderate John Dordan and conservative Jane Crotenton were obstonately opposed. And then, something incredible happened.
      All of the judges were well aware that an election for JBC President would be held soon. All the justices knew, additionally, that conservative seemed the strongest and most obvious right-wing challenge to Jodions' liberalism. But there was a big problem for Cosely. Workers loved John Jodions. His approval rating was near 90%, and why not? Jodions had given them the highest standard of living of any network employees in the world, and continually asked for their creative input and elicited their opinions. They were even able to elect their bosses, local station presidents. Cosely, meanwhile, was only moderately popular among his own workers in New York (58%), and had an disapproval rating of 59% among the workers at other stations [30% approved and 11% had not heard of him].
      Cosely however, was enormously popular among viewers. He anchored the national JBC news, and became a Dan Rather to millions of viewers. he was highly trusted, and received more national publicity than John Jodions. In New York, he was universally loved (95% approval) among the viewers of the largest station in JBC. He loved to appear before large crowds of kids and hear their applause.
      Cosely knew that workers would not elect him to be president; they would not elect him to be janitor. But viewers might elect him into office and make his revolutionary changes, as he termed them, possible.
      So Cosely met secretly with Dordan and Crotenton, promising them jobs in his new administration, should he get elected, provided they go along with the rights of kids to vote for JBC officials. But here was the caveat: Only kids should be allowed to vote for JBC officials. This would remove power from the workers and their liberal leaders and allow Cosely to in effect dominate JBC politics.
      Cosely got the agreement he sought, and Dordan and Crotenton were able to convince the others to write the decision their way, in exchange for their votes in favor of kids having a right to vote for JBC officials. Corsedean reluctantly agreed, and soon the opinion that shocked the JBC world was released in the historic Opinion of Corontin v. Cotin. The opinion in effect made the following points:
      1. Viewers between the ages of 10 and 14 would be allowed to vote for all JBC officials, except for technical staff, advisors and union representatives. This group of viewers represented 65% of JBC viewers. Conservatives like the idea of stopping voting rights at 14 because it would prevent any workers (16+ year olds) from being able to elect their own.
      2. Only workers would be able to run for JBC office. The Court did NOT explicitly state this, but it could be inferred from the opinion that viewers would only be granted the right to vote for JBC officials, not the right to hold office themselves.
      3. In only a brief allusion to Constitutional principles, Justice Corsedean insisted that kids had won the right to vote, as a result of voting rights being delegated them by the President of JBC. This very confusing passage could only be an allusion to the Council of 24, which voted on issues but had no power to elect anyone. Had Dordan or Crotenton not joined the opinion, they could have rightly pointed out that delegating advisorial votes to 24 kids did not equate with giving some one million kids the right to elect JBC officials. But because of the deal with Cosely, this potentially influential dissenting opinion was never written.

      The importance of kids having the power to vote became almost immediately apparent in early January 1983. The Board of Elections set February 10 as election day to determine the national President of JBC. John Jodions, the incumbent president, and popular in his own right, would indeed be challenged by conservative New York affiliate president Joe Cosely.
      Cosely's campaign emphasized Jodions' long term in office. He had held power to long, and had wasted viewer donations on silly parties. He had failed to properly protect JBC from the Criminal invasions that continued to plague the network. He wanted to be a king, a permanent CEO, rather than a elected president. Finally, and most importantly, he attacked Jodions for what he snidely called "the $65,000 solution."
      Under the agreement signed January 1, 1983 between JBC, and channels 67, 68, and 69, they were allowed to purchase their freedom for some $65,000. The JBC network had invested some $17 million in the spin-off networks, and Cosely was furious about what he called "wasted money."
      Cosely ran a shrewder campaign, spending $1 million dollars, airing commercials almost round the clock. Jodions spend less than a third as much, relying on appearances on tv shows like the Voddoddonce Show and Music Time. Such appearances, however, were wasted. Jodions' was too principled to turn them into campaign rallies, talking instead about the way the network was going and his plans for the future. Cosely also had a better campaign manager. Johnot Corsen, a Harvard educated lawyer and journalist developed Cosely's strategy brilliantly. He told Cosely to act like a kid, go to parties, and just plain hang out with the viewers. Jodions meanwhile remained aloof from the viewers, and tried to act "presidential." His campaign manager Johnet Cordent now admits this was not the best strategy to use: 'I guess we did not realize exactly how a JBC campaign would run. We thought that John would win because he had done a great job, and viewer's respected him. We did not want to get involved with Cosely's mudslinging. We were wrong."
      The race remained tight until the final week. Jodions had a strong base in Chicago, but Cosely had an even larger base of over 200,000 voters in New York City. When the final results came in, they did so slowly. The final results showed Cosely upseting Jodions by a razor thin margin: Cosely 503, 162; Jodions 502, 743, others 15,987. The recount Jodions demanded showed the same result. Cosely had barely won, on the strength of 80% of New York's 200,000 voters. Taking away the wide margin in New York, Jodions won easily, by almost 120,000 votes. Instead, it was Cosely who emerged as the new President of JBC, and he had major changes in store for JBC.

      Joe Cosely promised to change JBC in a big way. It was too bad for him he kept his word. Cosely had three major goals when he became President of JBC, and he pursued them with reckless abandon: 1. To give the president more power with the executive department 2. To weaken the growing power of the PAC 3. To expand JBC stores by a massive scale.
      Now some information on how well he succeeded in achieving these goals.
      1. Executive Power-
      Joe Cosely did not mess around. Like John Cortin, he wanted to run the show , and the whole show. Cosely called John Jodions a "weak" president, not because he did not make decisions, but because he let other executives fulfill their roles. Program director Johnet Cordent actually did develop and approve of new JBC shows. Budget Director Joiet Cosel actually did make and submit the budget for the network. Cosely did not want that. He was more than willing to delegate authority, but he wanted the right to overrule his appointee if he or she did not follow Cosely's edicts.
      Cosely made it hard on himself. He appointed loyal, but highly conceited and egoistic administrators. Program Director Johnot Corsen believed he knew everything there was to know about creating the best shows, despite his lack of experience in that regard. Corsen was determined to cancel several popular shows, including I know a Tape Recorder, Channel 66 Court, and The Hundred Foot Dog, because they were either unoriginal or "just plain stupid." When Cosely stepped in to try to save the shows, a major fight ensued.
      Budget Director Jim Critten was even worse. The conservative Texan always had his doubts about whether Cosely was a true conservative. He considered him a member of liberal eastern establishment, and ignored or countermanded Cosely's orders on a regular basis. Critten gave millions in loans to friends, and Cosely was left holding the proverbial bag.
      Worst of all however, was the situation with Cosely's Vice-President, and one of his closest friends: George Ribbions.
      George Ribbions, the popular president of Channel 66 in Indianappolis, was perhaps the most corrupt figure in JBC history. He was more like a mercenary than a friend to anybody, although Cosely, apparently, did not know this. Ribbions had stolen the Presidency in Indianappolis away from popular former Voddoddonce Show host Johnet Clousbe, by accusing the latter of connections to "graft, greed and scandal." No sooner had he assumed office, then did Ribbions begin to build his "Indiana Gang", a group of secret advisors who lied, cheated, stole, and spied on everyone from Ribbions feisty sister to Joe Cosely himself. It was Ribbions who engratiated himself into Cosely's life, befriending him on issues involving PAC power. Ribbions knew that Cosely believed the PAC should not have legislative authority. Ribbions believed if he adopted the same position he could seal his friendship with Cosely and assure himself the Vice-Presidency if Cosely won the election. So Ribbions brutally attacked the PAC in his famous December 15, 1982 "Corsington Speech." [It occurred at a political meeting in Corsington, Indiana]
      Ribbions charged the PAC was out to turn JBC into a union run, "leftist alliance". he also claimed that PASC members were in cahoots with Channels 67, 68 and 69 (the spin-off networks) to destroy JBC and claim its viewers. None of Ribbions charges were proven or even provable, and the cruelty of his verbiage "let us stamp them out like the scorpions they are" drew the criticism of many JBC employees. But the viscous attack worked on Cosely, winning Ribbions the Vice-Presidential slot.
      Upon Cosely's election, Ribbions was in an interesting position. Because of the rules of time, he was not required to step down as President of JBC in Indianappolis. Ironically, as Vice-President, he also became chairman of the President's Council. This gave him the power to set the agenda and break ties. He could also vote as a regular member.
      Ribbions it, seemed, had his own agenda, and it involved one person, George Ribbions. Ribbions wanted money, power, and the presidency as soon as Cosely was defeated, forced to resign or impeached (and Ribbions hoped that would be soon). It has been suggested, though not proven, that many of the scandals of the Cosely administration were leaked to the press by Ribbions, in order to force Cosely from office. Ribbions, however, never had the national popularity he enjoyed (for a time) in Indianappolis. Had he actually stood for election, chances are he would have been soundly defeated by John Jodions or anyone else could muster to challenge him.
      More (much more) on Ribbions later. For now, suffice it to say that George Ribbions had no intention to take orders from Joe Cosely or anyone else for that matter. He would only do what was best for himself, and usually only if there was money in it for George Ribbions. The Cosely administration was not set off on the right foot.
      2. PAC Power-
      Joe Cosely believed, as did Ribbions, Corsen, Critten and other conservatives that the PAC had too much power. PAC members tended to be more liberal, and also poorer than their counterparts on the President's Council. Moreover their leader George Alben was more liberal, or at least more disruptive than John Jodions. Other PAC members included socialists or near socialists James Johnson, Joe Coron and Jim Johnson.
      Cosely was determined to stamp out PAC power once and for all. He initially wanted to issue a decree, revoking all right of the PAC to hold the legislative authority it did, and invest that authority in the President's Council, and, especially, himself. Yet he feared being called a tyrant. Instead he went through the President's Council. He convinced a bare majority to follow him on three bills. Bill PC-L 789 removed from the PAC the power to raise workers' salaries, as well as the power to impeach JBC executives. (Passed March 25, 1983, 9-6)
      PC-L 802 removed authority to cast an binding vote on any JBC issue and gave the PAC the right to cast an advisory vote "On those issues which the President shall, from time to time, delegate." (PC-L 802, passed March 27, 1983, 8-7)
      Finally PC-L 803 declared: "All legislative authority for the JBC television network shall be vested in the presidents of the stations of the network, comprising the President's Council." (PC-L 803, passed March 30, 1983 8-7)
      The bill stunned PAC Speaker George Alben.
      "I had no idea Cosely would try something like this," he was later heard to retort. Many of Cosely's conservative supporters were shocked, although pleased. They did not believe a power grab would be this easy.
      It was not easy at all, as it turned out. George Alben promptly filed a complaint with the Board of Elections, charging Cosely had unconstitutionally removed power from the PAC without its consent. Despite the generally conservative makeup of the Board of Elections, it ruled in favor of Alben. It declared that the PAC should receive back, the powers it had lost "as soon as it is possible to vote to overturn this illegal legislation." Even conservative leaders like John Dordan (former Supreme Court Justice), John Caston (President of JBC in Baltimore), and Joe Cotin (Chair of the Board of Elections) urged Cosely to return power to the PAC and try to work out, in the words of Caston "a face saving compromise."
      Instead Cosely appealed the case to the JBC Supreme Court, knowing well that 8 of its 9 members were liberal; knowing equally well that among the justices was Jim Alben, George Alben's nephew. Yet Cosely was determined to be found right. He believed he had every right to remove power from the PAC, because the President's Council was the only legislative body mentioned in the JBC Constitution. The PAC never appeared; Cosely considered it an advisory board created by Cortin to appease the Channel 66 Union.
      He believed that the liberal Supreme Court would, however grudgingly, overturn the Board of Elections. Cosely would have then triumphed over the liberal PAC, the liberal Supreme Court, and his conservative doubters. Cosely would be more popular than ever, and more importantly, more powerful.
      Cosely could not have been more wrong. The Court heard ten days of testimony in early May, a record for the length of a case. Cosely and his lawyers claimed that the PAC had not been mentioned in the JBC Constitution, and thus could not have legislative authority. Alben and his attorneys argued that John Jodions' granting the PAC power constituted constitutionally delegated authority since all power was vested in the president of the network.
      But Alben went beyond merely arguing that the PAC's legislative power should be restored. He stunned a room full of reporters when he announced his contention that the President's Council itself had no authority to legislative. According to Alben, the President's Council was not granted any particular powers under the JBC Constitution. It was merely stated that there would be a council composed of the presidents of the stations of the network. As Alben also pointed out, the duties of the president of the station did not including "legislating" or "making rules." Cosely countered that presidents had been making rules from day one:
      "I made the rules of Channel 66 in New York. I'm sure John Jodions made the rules of Channel 66 in Chicago. That what the president of a station does. The president makes the rules of the station."
      Cosely's common sense argument failed to make a dent with most of the justices. Instead, the burden of proof shifted. It was apparent early on that the PAC, at the least would receive the power it had lost. It now became incumbent on Cosely to justify the legislative authority of the President's Council. Cosely had to prove that the President's Council had received authority to legislate. It seemed hopeless.
      A brief flurry of excitement arose when a memo purporting to be signed by John Cortin turned up after all-night investigation by JBC historian and Cosely's hired gun Jane Bortin. The memo apparently showed that Cortin intended to give the President's Council "some legislative authority." It suggested the President's Council might make key decisions on the budget and other areas. The problem is that other parts of the memo brought other programming and budget suggestions that Cortin never enacted. It became apparent to all that this last ditch effort by Cosely to come out on top failed miserably. The best historian in the world could not make something out of nothing.
      On May 15, 1983, the landmark case of Cosely v. Alben came down. In a majority opinion written by Justice Jim Alben, the Court declared the following:
      1) The President's Council has no authority under the JBC Constitution to legislate for the network.
      2) Such power properly belongs solely in the hands of the PAC, as the elected representatives of the workers of JBC.
      3) Joe Cosely and the President's Council unconstitutionally removed power from the PAC without its consent.
      4) The JBC network is required to create a legislature composed of workers, elected by their constituency, the viewers of the JBC network.
      Thus Cosely ended up a total loser in his effort to remove power from the PAC. Instead the PAC now had the sole legislative power for the network. It could cut his salary, as it did (from $40,000 to $30,000). It could investigate into his administration as it did in the infamous "Truth Committee" headed by George Alben. It could impeach his officials, as it tried to unsuccessfully on several occasions.
      Cosely found himself politically destroyed after the decision. Liberals who had long disliked him were even more united against him, and determined to get him out of office as soon as possible. Conservatives considered him a failure as a president. He had been greedy, trying to do too much, and in the words of Cotin "set our cause back five years." Many Conservatives began searching for a new right-wing hero to support. They expressed that lack of support strongest of May 25, 1983. On that date the generally conservative Board of Elections voted 40-20 to hold new elections in November or December of 1983. Thus Cosely would have to face elections challenges from both the right and the left. The decision in Cosely v. Alben did not insure the election results of December 1, 1983, but it did make them an increasing possibility.
      Yet Cosely still had some advantages that kept his hopes of reelection alive. While Cosely was very unpopular with liberal workers, and moderately unpopular with conservative workers, he was still popular with the kids who watched JBC. And as the Supreme Court ruled in Corontin v. Cotin, it was the viewers who voted. Cosely still had the advantage of anchoring the national JBC network news. [Criticism by his two opponents would cause him to step down from that job on August 23, 1983, to be replaced by Johnot Corsen, his campaign manager and mouthpiece.]
      Cosely still had a 60% approval rating among viewers, although it was down substantially from the 75% he enjoyed at the time he took office. Cosely believed he would face John Jodions again, and could probably defeat him.
      But Cosely did not know it. The times were changing. Cosely's unwise power grab had blown up in Cosely. The results of that case would lead to two major events in the summer of 1983: The formation of JBC political parties of both the right, left and center, and the emergence the the most dynamic political candidate JBC had ever known: Jane Decoben.

      It might seem strange to imagine the workers of a television network forming their own political parties, but this had begun to happen by June 1983. It began with Cosely himself. In part to form a solid base of operations, and in part to hold on to power, Cosely formed the JBC Party. Immediately joining with him were the entire executive department, moderate JBC local presidents, and most importantly, countless lower employees (who may have been coerced). This latter group, composed of hundreds of workers, made up much of the JBC bureaucracy. Cosely realized that these workers could be pushed or intimidated into acting as campaign helpers. They could also help remove competition from the countless other parties that Cosely expected would form.
      Initially Cosely appeared to be correct. The second major party to form, the Independent Party was composed of a motley mix of conservatives who considered Cosely a failure and liberals who considered him a tyrannical dictator who tried to destroy their freedoms. Most of the power within the party, appeared to come from party president Joe Cotin, and vice-president John Dordan, clearly of a conservative bent.
      Those on the left did not coalesce into one left-wing party, but rather several parties splintered by both ideologies and the personalities of the people who founded them.
      John Jodions founded the Channel 66 Party, and quickly declared himself a candidate for the Presidency. The party would, he hoped, include both solid liberals like himself and George Alben, and more extreme liberals like James Johnson, Jim Johnson and Joe Coron.
      Things did not work out as Jodions had planned. Alben formed his own party, the Unity Party, and encouraged all "right-thinking liberals" to join his candidacy for the presidency.
      To Alben's left, Jim Johnson formed the Worker's Party. He emphasized socialist principles and a flatter wage structure: Higher wages for entry level workers, and lower wages for, in his words "executives who would seek to reduce incomes for many to help the few."
      Johnson's cause drew wide support from the left, but he was not alone. James Johnson formed the Union Party, made up initially of JBC Union members. James Johnson's politics were close to those of Jim Johnson, and he considered joining the Worker's Party. But some of the union members of his party were more conservative, and in a close vote, the Union members voted not to join the Workers' Party.
      Joe Coron formed the International Independent Party, after he and a group of union members in JBC's foreign affiliates feuded with James Johnson over what precisely their roll within the party would be.
      Parties on the right also appeared. James Wilson III, a reporter at Channel 66 in Chicago formed the Corporation Party, a party to further expanding JBC stores, removing the inefficient PAC system, and appointing a CEO and Board of Directors to "make sure JBC is run as efficient and successfully as any business should be run."
      Still however, parties of the right failed to draw many conservatives. Most conservatives quickly decided whether they would side with the Pro-Cosely forces and join the JBC Party, or the Anti-Cosely forces and join the Independent Party. The majority (about 60%) joined the Independent Party and many supported a candidate who appeared at first glance to be liberal.
      Actually, no one was quite sure what Jane Decoben was and what exactly she stood for. One thing they did know: She was a phenomenon. Jane Decoben, the tremendously popular star of the most popular show in JBC history (Legoland), stunned the JBC political world by announcing she would run for president under the newly formed Independent Party. What had once looked like a ho-hum race between Cosely and Jodions, perhaps with a few lesser known candidates thrown in, suddenly had gone Hollywood.
      Decoben was 29, a great actress, beautiful, and the most charismatic speaker JBC had known. She exuded confidence the moment she stepped on the stage. Her smile was picture perfect, and she always had a funny joke or a witty anecdote to tell. She was as photogenic as they come, and she presented a sharp contrast to the much older candidates who she ran against.
      What was the lure of Jane Decoben? She was confident without being arrogant, beautiful without being vain, intelligent without being conceited. Cosely had been elected because he had been able to "act like" a viewer, a kid. Jane Decoben's strength was that she really was a kid at heart, and that made all the difference.
      Decoben's popularity with viewers every where made conservatives within the independent party accept her. Decoben appeared to be liberal, though she was often vague. She talked about kids having a "right to participate in this network", but was vague on specifics. Did that mean that kids had a right to advise the network, elect officials to represent them, or, as John Corontin and other viewer leaders had begun to advocate run for JBC political office themselves. She talked about workers having a right to "collectively bargain", and a right to be paid "fair wages", but what did this mean. Did she or did she not support the per-dependent system? Did she advocate higher or lower salaries for entry-level employees, for executives. No one really knew for sure. One thing was certain. She was beating Cosely and destroying all other candidates, even John Jodions.

      The polls were clear, Decoben was destroying both George Alben and John Jodions. For example here are the results of a poll taken on June 5-10, 1983:

 Jane Decoben -- 45%

 Joe Cosely -- 25%

 John Jodions -- 15%

 George Alben -- 10%

 James Johnson -- 2%

 Joe Coron -- 2% James Wilson III -- 1%
      Thus it became apparent to both Jodions and Alben that liberals' were dividing their votes. Neither Alben nor Jodions had confidence that Decoben was as liberal as she claimed to be. Joeirez Decoben, Jane's much older brother, worked at Channel 66 in Chicago and had warned Jodions:
      "Don't believe anything my sister says. She's a liar and she has always been one. She will do anything to get what she wants. I suggest you take precautions."
      Alben and Jodions wanted liberals to have a united front against Cosely and Decoben as well. Both considered joining the Worker's party, but found its ideology too constrictive. Both tried to get the Worker's Party, Union Party, and International Independent Party (II) to join them. But the groups leaders were unwilling to compromise their principles.
      Alben and Jodions thus faced a choice: Join the mostly conservative Independent Party and demand a primary to run against Decoben or join the JBC Party and challenge Cosely in a primary. To no one's surprise they chose the latter. Alben, who greatly enjoyed his new job and title (He was JBC Senator and Senate Majority Leader), acquiesced and let Jodions go up against Cosely.

      On June 21, Cosely and Jodions squared off in the first political primary in JBC history. To this day, Jodions and many supporters contend that Cosely committed fraud. Cosely's stooge, Johnot Corsen (also the Program Director) was President of the party and determined the election rules. He decided that only JBC viewers who were party members could vote. To become a member the following procedure was necessary: 1. A viewer (who qualified to vote for JBC office) had to send a request slip requesting a JBC Party membership card.

 2. The viewer had to receive the card and show it at the voting booth. Only those who presented the card would be allowed to vote. This was initially intended to keep members of other parties from voting, but it had interesting effects.

 
      Viewers in Chicago, Los Angeles and other cities in which Jodions had his strongest support found massive delays in getting their cards. In fact, the cards were sent out so late that only 65% of viewers in Chicago, and 58% of viewers in Los Angeles who requested cards received them by election time. In New York City, Philadelphia, and other Cosely strongholds on the east coast, 80-90% of viewers requesting cards received them by election day. Cosely blamed the results on slow mail delivery and a strong storm sweeping across the midwest, but Jodions and Alben believed otherwise. They claimed Cosely had intentionally attempted to weaken voting in Jodions' strong areas by failing to send them out with adequate time.
      The election results were quite predictable. Cosely edged Jodions by a 53%-47% margin, with geography playing a factor. Jodions received 80% of the votes in Chicago, 70% in Los Angeles and 65% in Indianappolis. Cosely received 77% of the votes in New York, 59% of votes in Boston and 58% of votes in Philadelphia. Had the missing cards gotten to the voters on time, Jodions would have beaten Cosely by at least a 54-46 margin.
      Jodions and Alben claimed fraud, and appealed to the JBC Supreme Court. The Court, to the surprise of everyone, agreed with Cosely. It did not decide whether mail time had been adequate, but rather stated that the dispute involved a "private organization in no way officially connected to this network." Jodions v. Corsen, 5 JBCSC 982 (1983). The Court decided it lack authority to judge the dealings of separate organizations, much as it would those of "an advertiser or other company working along side, but not within the authority of JBC." ibid. 985 [The Court's ruling would be overturned in 1985 in the Baseball pay case of Cortin v. Jodions , 8 JBCSC 455.]
      There was nothing Jodions could do but concede the results. Over in the Independent Primary, which did not have the party card requirement, Decoben crushed Joe Cotin 70%-30%.
      Because many on the left feared endorsing Decoben, many began to ask Jim Johnson to run. Johnson had formed the Worker's Party to look after worker (and viewer) interest, not to launch himself into office. In fact, he had promised upon forming the party
      "In no way am I seeking to become president of this network. I merely aim to represent the agenda of ordinary workers and ordinary viewers fighting against the tyranny that is Joe Cosely."
      Johnson had promised to support one of the major candidates, probably Jodions, Alben or James Johnson. Yet Jodions and Alben had dropped out, and James Johnson now appeared reluctant to carry the liberal banner. Thus Jim Johnson, the 82 year old, billionaire socialist decided to hop into the ring himself:
      "It was not an easy choice", he remembered years later. "I never wanted to be president, at least, never before. But I did not know Jane Decoben well enough, and I knew Joe Cosely all too well. I believed I could really fix the damage done by Joe Cosely. I had to run."
      So Johnson was in the race, but who would be his running mate? John Jodions was not interested, but George Alben was more than willing. Though Senator Alben was a member of the JBC party, and he did not agree with parts of the Workers' Party platform, he ran in order to give a more "pragmatic balance" to Johnson's socialist views. Alben, while quite liberal, wanted to put at ease light-liberals who were reluctant to support a ticket headed by a socialist.
      Jane Decoben selected former JBC Supreme Court justice and popular Star Wars movie director John Dordan as her running mate. Joe Cosely stuck with current vp George Ribbions, despite the Corsen's warning that "I think he wants your job, anyway he can get it." Cosely failed to listen to his program director and close friend, but Corsen was not just speaking out of loyalty and concern: He wanted Corsen's job, to be the VP and the heir apparent to Joe Cosely.

 Decoben's Ammunition: The Scandals of the Cosely Administration

 
      Many of the most shocking scandals of the Cosely administration were not revealed until very recent times. While we will note some of these, as they answer questions that would be confusing otherwise, we will try to focus on the scandals that were actually known in 1983. These gave Jane Decoben the ammunition to attack the Cosely administration as "Conservative, Corrupt, Criminal, Cosely." She had no problem finding these.

 Business Expansion and Corporate Crimes

 
      Joe Cosely's third goal as president of JBC was to expand JBC stores, businesses and products. Channel 66 had first opened stores as early as 1980, but they were tiny affairs: A whole in the wallstorefront featuring Suset's After Me T-shirts and Lp records of "The 80's are better" (a hugely popular song first sung on the Voddoddonce show. It peaked at #41 on the Billboard Charts.)
      Cosely was determined to change all that. He promised to hire a "business manager" to plan new businesses and terminate old, unsuccessful ones. He created the position of Corporation President to accomplish the task, and installed the incomparable Susan Cortle at the position. Cosely's more than quintupled the JBC budget for new JBC stores, from 14 to 81 million dollars for 1983 alone. New stores sprouted up everywhere, some built with little regard for safety (several collapsed), economy ( a few sprang up in factory neighborhoods where no viewers, or anyone else lived), or even common sense (one store offered to sell bathing suits, swim wear and suntan lotion; it was located in Anchorage Alaska). Other stores were built lavishly, made to look like southern mansions or turn-of the century luxury hotels.
      There was virtually no accounting of where the millions appropriated was going or how much each new store cost. Despite the protestations of the JBC House and Senate (The two bodies the PAC was now divided into), no one appeared to know the identities of contractors, subcontractors, partners, financiers or other officials involved in the construction of these massive and opulent, or tiny and dingy structures. It appeared as though (and it was in fact the case), that Susan Cortle had simply called up friends, relatives [and as was much later discovered, criminal connections] and said "you want to build a store." Clearly this was not the way to run a network, corporation or even a dime store. Opportunities for corruption were massive and obvious. No evidence has shown that Cortle herself took any money illegally, but many higher-ups either stole money outright, or made multi-million dollar loans to friends (at little or no interest.) Yes the number of JBC stores shot up, but so did mysteriously missing money, and small scandals seemed to pop up very week from early May, well through the summer of 1983.
      Cosely himself did not make any illegal loans. But his upper advisors did. Johnot Corsen made a 5 million dollar loan to Jim Critten. Critten responded in kind with a loan of 4 million. Both loans were at 2% interest per year for 25 years. Corsen justified the loans as "a necessary business expense. We were in effect the Board of directors of a large corporation and we were not being properly paid for our services. A $40,000 dollar salary does very little when you have bills to pay and a new house to build." Critten did not even try to explain why he did what he did: " We had our chance and we took it. That's what politics is all about."
      It was statements like these which brought on attacks by both Decoben and Jim Johnson. Decoben called the Cosely administration "a den of corruption, thievery and tyranny." Johnson referred to Joe Cosely as "A leader of criminals. He cannot blame everything on his associates, on his advisers, on his friends. You are who you hire."
      By the summer of 1983, it became apparent to all that the massive spending of Cosely would have a damaging effect on the JBC debt. While the network had been in the black for most of 1982, spending had spun out of control by the summer of '83. Cosely spent 81 million on JBC business expansion. Only 65 million of that saw its way back to the company. Only 6 of the 14 million dollars in loans returned to network coffers. Finally 10 million dollars just mysteriously disappeared. [It was revealed in 1993 that that money was put into a secret Swiss bank account without any PAC authorization. It was returned to JBC on July 27, 1993.]
      Thus Cosely's buiness expansion project was a complete failure. Cortle resigned in August after two months of impeachment hearings. She was replaced by James Corten IV, who continued to spend money like gumballs until the Cosely regime left office.

 Criminal Connections

 
      But Cosely's business scandals and the ever growing deficit were just part of the problem. While much of Cosely's dealings with criminals has come to light very recently, some of it was known at the time, and used with particular virulence by Jane Decoben. Cosely to put it lightly, made what you might call shady deals. While he may not have known these business associates were criminals, he did know they were involved in "shady dealings", and that would make all the difference in what was becoming a close and passionate campaign.
      The first of Cosely's "crim" friends was Janet Orlonthoriz, the president of Orlonthoriz Enterprises, a "Construction, contracting and store building firm." Orlonthoriz was one of those Cosely contacted personally about building three giant, multi-million dollar complexes in New York City. These were: JBC Mall, the first JBC shopping Center (which was never completed), a new television studio for Channel 66 Productions, the largest production company at JBC, and JBC New York Stadium, a gigantic baseball stadium that would house the New York Batters, a team in the Network league. [More on JBC Baseball later]
      While no one in the summer months knew that Orlonthoriz was an agent for the ICO (In fact she was a Senator in the pseudo democratic crime company). It did, however become apparent that something strange was going on by July of 1983. It became apparent that the buildings were not getting built, and more importantly, Orlonthoriz had been taking bribes. Not from Cosely, of course. He was never that stupid. Greedy, egoistic, but never stupid. He made his brother do it. John Cosely, former VP of Channel 66 in New York, was his brother's stooge as far as Joe Cosely was concerned, his pawn to do his bidding.

On The Campaign Trail with Decoben, convoluted populism
      Jane Decoben drew enormous crowds throughout the summer of 1983, full of kids of all ages, and sometimes their parents. Some came to see the brilliant Legoland star, who had just won her second straight JBC Academy Award (a cheap imitation of a real Oscar). Others came because of her message. Decoben sprang a strange sort of populism on her audience, and it effect the effect of confusing them as it drew them to her. On the one hand, Decoben brutally attacked the Cosely administration. It was a den of greedy, lying criminals. It was full of inefficient bureaucrats who bobbled countless opportunities to improve the network, while at the same time wasting money and dragging down the network into, in her famous quip "the dundering dreariness of desperate debt."
      On the other hand, Decoben proclaimed a positive vision of populism. When she said she was for the little folks, she meant literally the little folks, the viewers, i.e. the kids. She promised a commitment to giving kids "the rights they deserve to have a say in this network." Despite her vagueness on the issues, there were hints she might even allow greater rights for viewers than already existed. In an August 1st rally, before some 7,000 screaming supporters, Decoben made a pledge that struck more than a few conservatives as a radical pledge to promise power to kids: "If you support me, I will support you. Vote for me now, and I will not disappoint you. You must have and you will have a fair voice in this network. It is your right, as much as it is anyone. This is your network. You must make it your network. If I become president of JBC, I will help you do so."
      Decoben combined such pro-viewer rhetoric with secret promises to conservatives that she would not "empower these little children." Still, no one knew about the secret pledges, prompting several viewer leaders to consider backing Decoben. John Corontin, the self-styled viewer leader, even went as far as to appear at a Decoben rally, and proclaim , "I want to introduce you to the next president of JBC Jane Decoben! Her cause is our cause."
      Decoben's support by several liberal viewer leaders, combined with the support of so much of the viewer electorate prompted several liberal workers to consider backing Decoben. despite the fears of some, Decoben won praise and even endorsement from three major liberal stalwarts: Jane Elliot, John Crottingston and Johnet Cordent.
      Jane Elliot had just recently become president of JBC in Los Angeles, after the former president/owner Bob Bortan was found to be a member of John Cotiter's criminal organization and arrested on charges of bank robbery and building bombing. Elliot immediately consolidated her place as the leading innovator on JBC. She developed countless local L.A. programming, and was the executive producer of such national JBC hits as "School" and "I know a Tape Recorder." She was also a star in the sport of JBC Baseball, an off-shoot of network ball that would explode in popularity by 1984. Elliot had known Decoben for over a year, and considered her a "true liberal." Elliot was a brilliant politician who despite her initial trusting of Decoben, saw through her by the fall, and in effect quit campaigning for her.
      The same cannot be said for Crottingston and Cordent. Crottingston, the popular and solidly liberal president of JBC in Boston (where he too was a baseball star), backed Decoben from the get go. He called her "the inspirational leader of our network" and believed that she, with her actress status and Hollywood connections might lure big talent actors to JBC. Crottingston dismissed charges of other liberals that Decoben was a "liar and a fake liberal", calling them "jealous malcontents":" They long for the attention that [Decoben] is receiving. They only wish they could be as popular as she." Crottingston's support of Decoben eventually cost him his job, after the true nature of Decoben's views were revealed.
      For Cordent, the popular weatherman at JBC in Chicago, and the well respected former Program Director of JBC, the flirtation with Decoben was brief, but expressive. Cordent believed Decoben would extend greater rights to viewers, and support a "progressive", i.e worker-friendly, expansion of JBC. He endorsed her at a July 27 rally, calling her "a hero of mine" and proclaiming "she will be a great president in the tradition of John Jodions. She is committed to workers and committed to viewers. She will make JBC thrive." Cordent found out within a month of some of Decoben's nefarious activity and quickly back-tracked.
      But Decoben was an enigma, right from the start. She was both a question mark and a clean slate. for those who wanted to doubt her, liberals and conservatives alike, they could always find something to attack in her record. Johnot Corsen called her a "secret socialist" who advocated a JBC government run "by children under her control." Jim Critten labeled her " a creature of the eastern establishment, wealthy to the bone, a liberal in populist's clothing. She will not wash with this network."
      For those who wanted to like Decoben, she became in effect a clean-slate, allowing them to write their own views in. To Elliot, Cordent and Crottingston, she was a progressive who would increase viewer authority and protect workers' interests. To conservatives like Joe Cotin and J.A. Johnson, she was "one of our people."Even conservatives who had been warned of her secret plans, did not always believe she was truly conservative. Perhaps her most famous spat came with conservative leader, Joe Cortin.
      Joe Cortin never quite trusted Jane Decoben, never quite believed she stood for true conservative values. Despite all her promises, Cortin believed there was a liberal inside waiting to come out. And who was Joe Cortin? Cortin was a virtual unknown in 1984. He came to JBC from the world of business, after 15 years of working as a junior executive for Xerox. He had a certain air about that says "I'm number one", do not attempt to surpass me. Cortin came from a wealthy family, and was guided through school by his father, a vice-president at the company he would later work. [Note: Joe Cortin is not related to any of the other Cortins who are so well known at JBC: John Cortin, Jane Cortin, Janet Cortin. He is also not related to Joe E. Cortin who played Centerfield for Chicago, Philadelphia and San Francisco.]
      Cortin came to JBC as an assistant to Joe Cotin when he took became the President of the Election Board in 1982. Cortin took Cotin's conservative agenda and pushed it even further to the right. He joined the Independent Party when it was formed but was never particularly interested in organizing meetings, rallies or voter drives. Instead Cortin advocated a reactionary return to the days of John Cortin. He advocated JBC political parties be dissolved, and elections "cease and desist at once." He believed they were simply inefficient and counter-productive. Cortin believed, and indeed still does believe that JBC is a profit-making network whose sole objective is to make as much money as possible by making programs that attract viewers. Cortin, more so than any other JBC politician believes the JBC political structure destroys the network's potential prosperity:
      "We could be challenging the big three networks within five years. Instead we find ourselves mired in monstrous deficit, paying hundreds of employees to legislate. We don't need to pay employees to sit around in a luxury office, toss paper planes around and debate issues for six months. Give me a Board of Directors. We could do in 5 minutes what it takes our so-called "House" and "Senate" five months to complete."
      Cortin also attacked the per-dependent system. He called it "creeping or not so creeping socialism. It pays lazy employees for each dependent they have. It is tyranny and it is wasting the resources of our network."
      With this right-wing agenda, it is not surprising Cortin had his problems with Jane Decoben. Decoben had secretly promised conservatives that she would support two goals: 1. The roll back of PAC power, with the President's Council gaining its old authority to legislate. 2. The abolition of the JBC Supreme Court, which was never mentioned in the JBC Constitution and could thus be abolished on Presidential decree.
      As extreme as these views were, they were not enough for Cortin. The last thing he wanted was the President's Council , which he called "a council of petty dictators" making the rules for the JBC network. Cortin wanted a strong president with a weak, compliant group of 7 or 8 board of director advisors to make all the decisions for the network. Cortin would allow some flexibility to local affiliates. But he would demand that no station use the monstrous "per-dependent" system. As Decoben could not [yet] promise these things to Cortin's satisfaction, he refused to give her his wholehearted support.

 The Campaign turns ugly
      Jane Decoben was determined to win, as were her close advisers, especially Cotin. Slightly wild, always eccentric, Joe Cotin was willing to try just about anything to succeed, no matter how impractical, no matter how harebrained, no matter how illegal. Cotin and Decoben and running mate John Dordan met together several times in early July 1983, determined to find some way to try to "get" Cosely. Not that the numerous scandals would not be enough to push her over the top, when combined with her enormous popularity. Yet she feared Cosely. He had won, a mere four months before, with the support of a million viewers. Decoben was certain many of them would stick by Joe Cosely, or at least return by the fall election. Decoben needed a way to insure Cosely's defeat.
      She found it in George Ribbions. Ribbions remember, was loyal to no one but himself. He had participated in criminal activities in the Cosely administration, and then tried to turn Joe Cosely over to the FBI for alleged crimes, some of which Cosely did not even commit. Ribbions now contacted Jane Decoben's campaign. At least that's what she claims. Ribbions of course claims she called him personally. Either way, they contacted each other.
      Ribbions revealed to Decoben that he had a secret about Cosely, something so shocking and stunning that it would guarantee he would not be reelected. He would not reveal it until, naturally, the proper cash settlement were offered. Decoben was reluctant at first, she needed proof that the allegations were genuine and not just figments of Ribbions imagination. It seems no one trusted George Ribbions. Decoben feared if she came out with a story, it would destroy her in the end, however much it might provide a temporary lead in the polls.
      So Ribbions leaked details. Not particularly revealing ones. He told her Cosely had connections with criminals. Nothing new. He told her he had committed crimes. Nothing new. He told her Cosely was friends with a famous criminal, and had helped him escape from the police. There's something. She paid him one million dollars, with the guarantee of three more if the story turned out to be as juicy as Ribbions insisted it was. He told her that criminal was John Cotiter. Her mouth must have dropped open.
      To be linked with John Winston Cotiter was the worst thing imaginable for a JBC politician. Remember, Cotiter had been wreaking havoc at JBC throughout 1983. Hundreds of JBC buildings were bombed, employees were robbed, kidnapped, even shot. Cotiter's reign of crime even spilled over into the lives of ordinary viewers, the kids who would vote on election day. The desperate need for increased security caused prices for JBC records, books and even hot dogs and hamburgers rise as much as 50%. A growing number of viewer leaders, among them John Corontin, were targets for Cotiter and especially Licorushs' violent spree. Finally, some viewers themselves were actually at risk. Viewers were regularly held up in Music Time by Peter Crushing, and John Cotiter also invaded with regularity the Voddoddonce Show and later, JBC baseball games.
      To be connected with John Cotiter was a crime. To have aided and abetted a fugitive Cotiter, as Ribbions alleged, was a capital crime, as far as the election was concerned. Decoben received the first information in early August, but did not go public. She did not need to yet. Here lead had swelled to 52-34 with 8 percent going for Jim Johnson, and the rest undecided. She was winning strongly among liberals and moderates, and breaking even with Cosely among conservatives. Instead, Decoben spent the time learning more and more about the crime of Cosely.
      It was 1970 it turned out. Cosely was an anchor at WABC, the ABC affiliate in New York City. Cotiter was a crim on the run after his first bank robbery. Cosely had known Cotiter years before, and apparently Cotiter thought he could trust Joe Cosely. The police, not to mention the FBI, had followed Cosely to New York, searching for the man they believed had held up the 1st National bank of Springfield, Missouri. Cotiter was guilty, but Cosely (willingly?) put him up for two days until the police had given up the search. Cotiter was never caught, and served no jail time until July of 1981, when he was finally caught and put away (for all of 3 days before he escaped)for trying to buy Channel 66 with counterfeit money.
      Jane Decoben could use this secret to practically insure her reelection. But what time would be the right time? She soon had her answer.
      On September 1, 1983, the Board of Elections, as it often did, changed the election date, moving it back one month, from November 1st to December 1st. This would appear to help Cosely, as he was on the ropes and appeared to be down for the count. Cosely still had some $5 million in ready cash on hand, significantly more than Jane Decoben, and quickly began unleashing tv commercials designed to weaken his opponent. Johnot Corsen, who believed a Cosely win would signify him as the heir apparent, provided he could bring a win off, spared no expense in developing his "Decoben Demystification" strategy. The strategy was intent on separating the Jane Decoben -the tv star from Jane Decoben -the politician. Corsen began running commercials that the following three points: 1. Jane Decoben lacked the experience to become President of JBC. she had never held elective office, and never, in the words of Corsen "met a payroll, balanced a budget, created a program or negotiated a contract." 2. Jane Decoben's ideas were vague, and dangerous. It was Corsen who insisted to Cosely and millions of viewers through his TV ads that Decoben was not serious about preserving kids right to vote, that if elected she might become, "the Legoland dictator." Corsen later admitted he had no evidence for those charges, which were, quite ironically, right on target. 3. Decoben too had criminal connections, all the while she unfairly attacked the Cosely administration for "cavorting with criminal."
      Of the three points, only point one appeared to stick in the minds of viewers. Some did believe that she lacked the experience to the rapidly expanding JBC network. But few viewers could believe Decoben would attempt to take away their right to vote. Hadn't she always proclaimed herself one them? And no evidence was presented showing that Jane Decoben was a criminal or even knew any criminals. Yet the charges did bring up Cosely's numbers. By September 12, the race looked about like this:

 Decoben 43%

 Cosely 38%

 Johnson 12%

 Undecided 7%

 
      Decoben realized now was the time to reveal her secret. On September 15, 1983, Decoben held a well-planned newsconference. She invited some 200 reporters from JBC as well as the rival N.I.N. network (the network formed by the seceded Channels 67, 68 and 69) to hear what she called "Cosely's big lie."
      She read a short five minute speech, proclaiming herself the "true champion of of the JBC network." Then the fireworks began. "I have come here to reveal the Cosely lie that won't go away. Joe Cosely, our allegedly esteemed president was once a friend of that wanted criminal John Cotiter."
      Several reporters looked incredulous, the rest looked at their watches.
      "In fact for two days in the month of May, the year of 1970, Joe Cosely hid John Cotiter from the police when Cotiter was a fugitive from justice. He helped one of the worst criminals the world has ever known stay out of his rightful place, ace, that being a three by five cell. Our president, the so called leader of this network, supported a man, who, for the past two years has attempted to buy, take over and destroy this network. A man who has shot our employees, kidnapped our workers, and robbed, burgled and even bombed our stations. Such a man should be in jail. So should those who seek to aid his crimes."
      The reporters jaws dropped. Many could not believe what Decoben had just said. others could. Either way it became immediately clear, that Joe Cosely would have to be questioned about the charges. Like a flock of geese heading south for the winter, these 200 reporters stampeded out of the room, and raced for the JBC headquarters, which Decoben knew, was a convenient three blocks away.

 Denial, admittance and the bottom drops
      Joe Cosely refused to even acknowledge the hordes of reporters now begging to know the truth, begging for an exclusive interview, begging for the words, "yes" or "no", the words "she's a liar" or "I did it". For two hours Cosely ignored the throng. Finally when he could not take it any longer, he practically yelled "NO NO, absolutely NO! None of what she has said is true."
      The crowd of reporters clearly would not take Cosely's no for an answer. they went back to their offices, determined to find Decoben's source, and determined to find out whether or not Decoben had told the truth.
      By the next day, Decoben came clean. She revealed her source as none other than George Ribbions. Ribbions did not deny it, instead trying to put the blame on Decoben. "She tricked me into admitting it; She's a liar and much worse.", he was heard to utter. Cosely continued to deny the charges with continual vehemence. Privately, he tried to remove George Ribbions from the ticket, at last realizing his so called friend Will betray him at a moment's notice. Corsen however, advised Cosely against dropping Ribbions. Instead Cosely should claim Ribbions misunderstood what Cosely had told him, and Decoben had further lied and exaggerated what Ribbions had told her. Meanwhile voters were uncertain who to believe:

 Poll September 18-19, 1983

 500 Viewers surveyed, + or - 3%

 Decoben 40%

 Cosely 24%

 Johnson 14%

 Undecided 22%

 
      The press continued to pry, and Cosely continued to dodge the question. But there was one person who had yet to be asked what actually happened: John Cotiter. He was hard to find, on the run after his 38th successful prison escape. When he was tracked down on September 25, he told the reporter who found what Joe Cosely hated to hear:
      "Sure it's true. Cosely and I were friends for years. I have close to ties to this network, believe it or not. If Cosely does not want to admit that it's his problem."
      Cotiter went on to describe in vivid detail exactly what happened in May of 1970. He gave names, places, and locations, so accurately they checked out with the known facts. He further alleged that Cosely had helped him escape from the police on three other occasions. Once in 1975, once in 1980 and once in 1982, after Cotiter had already begun his assaults on JBC.
      These new revelations, which came out on a national interview with Cotiter for JBC Magazine, a news and interview program, stunned viewers and workers alike. Although few would normally believed Cotiter, many appeared to take his word in this case. Poll September 26-27, 800 viewers surveyed + or - 2% Presidential Poll Jane Decoben 51%

 Joe Cosely 19%

 Jim Johnson 14%

 undecided 16%

 Cosely question:

 Do you believe Joe Cosely is honest and can be trusted to run JBC? Mar. 83 78% yes 15% No

 May 83 64% yes 21% No

 July 83 55% yes 29% No

 Aug 83 49% yes 35% No

 Sep1 83 48% yes 38% No

 Sep17 83 31% yes 56% No (First post-Decoben revelation)

 Sep 27 83 17% yes 71% No (First post-Cotiter interview)

 Do you believe Jane Decoben's charges against Joe Cosely?

 Sep17 83 48% yes 42% No

 Sep 21 83 56% yes 30% No

 Sep 25 83 63% yes 21% No

 Sep 27 83 79% yes 16% No

 
      By September 27, it became apparent to Cosely that he would lose the race for sure unless he showed he was honest, or in his words "at least repentant."
      Cosely called together his closest advisers, and asked them plainly whether or not he should reveal the truth. Corsen advised him against it. Apparently he had uncovered that Decoben had paid Ribbions large sums of money to get the dirt on Cosely. If this is true, Decoben could be called a liar and the dirtiest of campaigners. She had claimed Ribbions came to her and willingly spilled the beans about Cosely.
      But Cosely would not listen to Corsen. In fact he ignored other advisers, among them Jim Critten and his brother John Cosely, who told him to hold on, and hang tough. Cosely realized if he faced the media and told the truth, he could win their sympathy and respect if not their support. Besides the viewers would support him. Hadn't they ever lied to their parents before. They were kids after all. Besides, he was just helping a friend. Who hadn't done similar for their friends?
      On September 27, 1983 at 5:30 PM, Joe Cosely went on international JBC television to reveal the following:
      Yes, I knew John Cotiter. Yes, one time but only one time, I shielded him from the eyes of the law. But he was my friend. All of us have helped our friends and in the process done something we later regretted. I should have turned him in. I know that now. But how could I look my friend in the eye and say: You are going off to jail for 20 years. I just could not do it. I hope that those of you who are watching, will understand the choice I made. I am not asking for your support, just your respect. And just a chance to. perhaps if I am diligent enough, win back your vote. That is all I ask of you this evening."
      The speech was stirring but its effect was not. Cosely's poll standing plummeted.

 October 1, 1983

 Jane Decoben 65%

 Jim Johnson 22%

 Joe Cosely 5%

 Undecided 8%

 Cosely had fallen behind a slowly improving Jim Johnson. Decoben now believed she stood the chance of winning by an enormous landslide, the likes of which had never been seen before at JBC. If she could force Cosely to resign, she could take all of his votes. Why, after all would kids vote for the socialist Jim Johnson? She could get 75% and cruise into office with a mandate for some serious change. She had to propel votes her way. She had to aim to get those 5% Cosely stalwarts, most of whom were conservative and decisively loyally to the JBC incumbent.
      Decoben moves Right, Johnson soars
      Decoben began to change her rhetoric, only slightly, almost imperceptibly at first. She continued to portray herself as a populist, but began to use and emphasize conservative buzz words. She said that JBC Democracy had become inefficient and too slow. She would keep it, but speed up the process. She believed JBC Presidents deserved to have the power to run their stations as they saw fit, without being hamstrung by the "left-wing PAC":
      "The JBC Constitution, which we all hold dear, reminds us. 'All power is invested in the President.' It does not say all power is invested in the President and the PAC. Our beloved constitution does not even mention, or even allude to the PAC."
      Decoben's rhetoric alarmed many liberals. Many who had endorsed her retracted their statement, and instead endorsed Johnson. Johnson's poll numbers started to climb, as his untarnished image carried him along. Both Cosely and Decoben had ignored Johnson throughout the campaign, believing the race a contest between Decoben Populism (which defined a clear left-right label) and Cosely conservatism. But as it became apparent that Decoben believed in a right-wing kind of populism, voters turned back to Johnson. At age 82, Jim Johnson was a kind of grand-father, or even great-grandfather figure to the young viewers who watched JBC and voted in JBC elections. He emphasized greater power for the viewers. Declaring his support for viewers serving in JBC government in a August 15 speech:
      "Don't let anyone tell you you don't have what it takes to help run this network. They say you don't know budgets, contract negotiations or ad campaigns. so what, you can learn. Elect me and I will support you as far as you can go."
      Liberals were initially reluctant to endorse Johnson because they believed he stood no chance in a race against Cosely and Decoben. But that all changed after the Cosely collapse. As Decoben moved right, Johnson picked up the support of countless liberal politicians and liberal voters as well.

Compare how these poll results shifted in the final weeks of the campaign:

Oct3 Oct18 Nov1 Nov18 Nov30

Jane Decoben 63% 59% 54% 53% 52%

Jim Johnson 25% 33% 37%

40% 43%

Joe Cosely 5% 6% 6%

5% 4%

Undecided 6% 1% 2% 1% 0% Others 1% 1% 1% 1% 1%
 

      It became apparent to many that Jim Johnson had a legitimate chance to gain the John Jodions mantle and overtake Decoben to win the presidency. Johnson's gains had been so subtle, however, neither Decoben nor her advisers considered him much of a threat until the last two weeks of the campaign. By then he had closed to within a dozen points of Decoben. She continued to ignore him to a large degree, airing several different anti-Cosely commercials long after it became apparent that Cosely would be only a marginal candidate. Apparently, Decoben feared what she called the New York "secret Voters." She believed that many New York voters told pollsters they were voting for Jim Johnson, when really they were planning on casting their vote for Cosely. Cosely still had a positive approval rating (56%) among New York voters, and polling information suggested that Decoben may have been right about the secret vote.
      While Jim Johnson was quite liberal, he was receiving as much as 25% of the "conservative vote". Most of that came from New York, where Johnson was beating Decoben among conservatives 59-39, a wider lead than he held among liberals (51-48).
      Decoben believed these New York voters would secretly vote for Cosely on election day. she also feared that Cosely would recruit a slew of "new voters" to cast ballots at the last minute. Voters could register at the polls, and Decoben believed that proving such new voters were fraudulently given ballots would be difficult, if not impossible to prove. So Decoben concentrated on airing anti-Cosely commercials until the final week, when she finally started bashing Jim Johnson as "an out of touch extremist." It did not work, Johnson continued to gain adherents.

Election Day: A Decoben Triumph!!
      On December 1, 1983, Jane Decoben was elected president of JBC, but by a much narrower margin than she had expected. By moving to the right, Decoben attempted to attract Cosely voters who were quite loyal to Joe Cosely, and refused to leave him until the end. She gave up in the meanwhile some moderates and countless liberals who flocked to Jim Johnson's campaign. Decoben's right wing push in the final weeks helped weaken the once strong liberal wing of the Independent Party. Although the wing continued to persist under the able leadership of Janet Cortin and Joiet Wrottleton, it lost standing in the party and the Independent Party in effect became a conservative party.
      The secret voters that Decoben feared never materialized. New York conservatives did vote predominately for Jim Johnson, mainly because they hated Decoben for attacking their hero, Joe Cosely. Cosely's support remained weak. Ironically, just as Decoben weak liberal support hurt the liberal branch if the Independent Party, so did Cosely's pitiful support damage the conservative branch of the JBC party. The JBC party, founded and initially controlled by conservatives, Joe Cosely, George Ribbions, Johnot Corsen, Jim Critten, etc. , would not elect another conservative president for five years. the JBC party would now become the party of liberalism, typified by its leaders, John Jodions, George Alben, Jane Elliot and John Chung.
      The final results showed a conservative-liberal split among JBC voters that would become more apparent in the months ahead. Final vote totals:

 

CANDIDATE	Total Percentage	% of liberal voters	% of conservative Voters
Jane Decoben		52%		32%		75%
Jim Johnson		45%		68%		15%
Joe Cosely		3%		0%		9%
Others		0%		0%		1%

      Jane Decoben had become the President of the JBC Network. Radical, or should I say reactionary changes were at hand.

Jane Decoben: Extremism and Anger
      Jane Decoben's inaugural address stunned many of her liberal backers. Remember, despite her rightward turn at the end, she had won one of every three liberal votes. Yet she began her address by declaring "The PAC has got to go!."
      She immediately pledged to abolish the PAC, and reinstate the power of the President's Council. "JBC can and will run more efficiently. We must stop, the left-wing, extremist PAC." Funny, she never mentioned any of these ideas while she was running for the presidency of JBC. She also announced an even more stunning proposal.
      "JBC never has been and never should be some kind of a Democratic network. That is ridiculous, inefficient, and only slows us down. No one, neither the workers nor the viewers should vote for those who run our network. We need a President who appoints local presidents. That way we can be sure only the most qualified people take office."
      That hit workers and especially viewers, who saw their right to vote in jeopardy, like a hammer. Decoben's agenda was in the words of John Corontin, "A horrible, horrible mistake!. I can not believe I ever supported her. " John Jodions called her a "desperate dictator, who lied to get into office and is now determined to destroy what she pledged to keep." Union leader James Johnson, who , had had his squabbles with John Cortin during his reign as President, labeled Decoben "A modern day John Cortin, and a neo-facist at heart."
      These were serious charges, and the PAC itself was not about to bow to pressure from Decoben. The House voted 97-3 not to voluntarily dissolve. The Senate branch was even more determined, voting unanimously, 50-0 not to give in to Decoben's frightening ideas and extremist rhetoric. Some liberals even suggested the election should be declared a fraud, and Johnson given the job. But there was no evidence of vote fraud. Others believed a new election should be called immediately, or at least that the viewers of JBC should be able to recall Decoben if they could obtain enough signatures to put the issue on the ballot.
      Yet none of these things occurred. Surprisingly, Decoben herself appeared to self-destruct. After trying unsuccessfully to convince the PAC to dissolve itself, Decoben burst in on a PAC meeting, declaring "this meeting is null and void! Now all of you should just leave while you still can." No one moved.
      Decoben had no police power to carry out her coup. She could rant and rave about the PAC being disbanded, ending the per-dependent system (as she now announced she would) and ending elections at JBC, but she had no one to back her up and provide the support to initiate these radical changes. While the whole PAC hated her, the President's Council did not give her support, despite the pledge to return legislative authority to them. If Decoben had her way, they would now be appointed, meaning Decoben alone could decide whether or not they would keep power. their base among the workers would be destroyed. Liberals realized Decoben would can them as soon as she decided they should come up for "reelection". Conservatives feared that Decoben would remove them too, if they were not conservative enough for her or if they failed to do exactly what she asked.
      Thus Decoben had the support of virtually no one. Even Joe Cortin, who agreed with her aims 100%, believed she was going about it completely the wrong way.
      "You don't campaign like a liberal populist, lie to the voters, and come in expecting your conservative agenda to have widespread support. You run claiming to be what you are; then you will have a mandate for what you wish to achieve. Jane Decoben went about it in a completely wrong manner. She lied to the voters, and she got what was coming to her."
      What was coming was a grand jury investigation into her alleged connections with criminals. Ironically Johnot Corsen's charges had been right on both counts. Decoben was not the viewer's friend she claimed to be. And she did have connections with criminals.
      On December 11th, Jane Decoben was indicted for bribery and extortion, for her connection with the ICO. Apparently Decoben and the ICO had worked to bribe JBC stations to air favorable reports about Decoben's campaign, and then threatened to go to the police with some dirty station secret if the station did not give the bribery money right back. It was a brilliant operation, successful in part because the ICO brought along their "big guns" (literally) to insure the transaction would be a success.
      By this time John Dordan had had enough. Partly fearing criminal charges (which never came to pass), partly seeking to escape from a regime and an extremist president he no longer supported, resigned.
      Decoben attempted to replace him with her campaign manager, and Independent party president Joe Cotin. The PAC refused to confirm Cotin. Decoben's dream of a JBC controlled by her, rapidly expanding under her "benevolent but determined hand" [From her autobiography My Story], was crashing down around her.
      On December 15, 1983, she decided there was no point in continuing. In a truly stunning move, Decoben resigned from the Presidency of JBC, and faced the criminal charges against her. She was convicted of all counts and served three months in jail and two years probation {It was her first offense). Decoben, however, like the comeback kid she was, would return to JBC politics within a few years.
      Joe Cosely, interestingly enough, would return even sooner. Once the story about John Cotiter had come out, and became old news, there were no more Cosely secrets left to come out [That is until the Grand Contract facts trickled in the Spring of 1993, but's that's another story]. He would soon be back running for JBC office and getting a surprising amount of support.
      But now, who would be president? Decoben had resigned before she had a chance to appoint a Program Director or a Budget Director, so there was no one to succeed her. Johnot Corsen suggested that as the former and most recent Program Director, he deserved to become acting President, at least until another election can be held. Instead, a commission was organized which included both the PAC and the President's Council. Some twenty names were submitted, and when the votes had been cast JBC would be run by Johnet Cordent. Cordent would serve as an acting President only until elections could be held. Cordent had no Vice-President, nor Program or Budget Directors. He served as a caretaker president, and made few policy suggestions. Nonetheless, he was an essential leader at a time where there appeared to be a leadership vacuum. The next Presidential election, it was announced, would be held on March 31, 1984. The candidates were already lining up.